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Policy > General > Ketamine consultation briefingNote: The following briefing has been submitted by Transform Drug Policy Foundation to the Home Office Ketamine consultation 2005. It has been proposed that ketamine, currently covered by the Medicines Act, be brought within the Misuse of Drugs Act as a Class C drug. The Advisory Council on the Misuse of Drugs (ACMD) will be considering this issue later in the year and making recommendations to the Home Secretary.The ACMD report on Ketamine can be read here (pdf) The Home Office consultation document can be read here (pdf)
Transform Drug Policy Foundation submission to the Home Office ketamine consultation 2005 Summary. The aim of drug policy should be to reduce the harm caused by drugs, both to users and to wider society. Transform do not accept that bringing ketamine within the Misuse of Drugs Act, 1971 (MDA) will achieve this. Prohibiting ketamine (under any classification) will maximise the risks associated with use, simultaneously create a full-blown criminal market that currently does not exist and make criminals of otherwise law-abiding citizens. There is no evidence that there will be any deterrent effect from such a prohibition that would have any meaningful impact on use or misuse. Significant criminal justice costs would be incurred with no apparent benefits. Transform recommend that models for better regulation of ketamine for recreational use is considered. Given that ketamine is already effectively legal this need not encourage use. Money spent on futile and counterproductive enforcement efforts would be better directed to educating vulnerable populations about potential risks of ketamine use. Health issues Transform believe that no drug is made safer by abdicating control of its production and supply to criminals. Criminalising ketamine will make it more dangerous and maximise risks for users:
Prevalence The ACMD consideration of ketamine is an understandable response to reports that use of ketamine has risen sharply in recent years (although this rise seems to have levelled off more recently). The underlying assumption is presumably that prohibition and criminalisation of ketamine will provide a deterrent sufficient to reduce prevalence of use/misuse, or at least arrest any future increase. However, all the evidence suggests that this assumption is false, and that drug policy and law are - at best - a marginal factor in drug taking decisions, particularly for the target group of young clubbers. Research on the supposed deterrent effects of prohibition is effectively non-existent (Transform is aware of none produced by the UK Government) despite the principle being at the heart of UK and global drug control efforts. The recent rise in use of the cocaine amongst a similar young population has taken place against a backdrop of strict prohibition with harsh penalties for possession (7 years imprisonment) and supply (life imprisonment). Similarly, ecstasy use exploded from nowhere in the1990s, despite its being Class A. Some have suggested that the publicity around the crackdown on ecstasy contributed to the rise in its use. In reality it is other variables that are the key determinates of prevalence of drug use. For young people on the club scene patterns of drug use are largely related to fashions in music and club culture. Other factors in drug taking decisions such as price and availability are largely determined by a demand-led and completely unregulated illegal market – beyond the influence of Government. Concerns about health effects of drugs are another important factor – but the role of using the criminal justice system to send out public health messages must be questioned both ethically and because of its historical lack of success. As the ACMD report notes, the experience of ketamine intoxication is intense and far from being to everyone's taste, even amongst experimental, hedonistic and poly-drug using clubbers. The report notes that “87% of those surveyed who had tried ketamine said they would never use it again,” and that; “only 4% of those who had tried ketamine were intending to use it again which contrasts with 53% for ecstasy.” This suggests that ketamine is never likely to achieve the popularity of cocaine or ecstasy and that its use is unlikely to increase much beyond current levels which have apparently been stable for the past 3 or 4 years, despite its legal status. Ketamine use is not consistently pleasurable enough or practical enough in a party environment for it to ever experience mass youth market penetration. Short increases in levels of use have happened in the past, as ketamine has briefly become fashionable, before dropping off again as the notoriously fickle youth culture market has moved on to the ‘next big thing'. This has also been the experience in the US . It is likely that this pattern will continue as each new generation of youth culture discovers then grows out of ketamine or similar drugs at the margins of youth culture. Use of ketamine amongst ‘psychonauts' (noted in the ACMD report) should not cause the same concern as use within youth club culture. These users are older, better informed, less reckless and will generally use the drug more responsibly and in a safer environment. This use is more controlled and unlikely to have significant health harms as use is more focused on ‘exploring consciousness' rather than hedonism or escapism. Deployment of significant criminal justice resources or any change in the law are unlikely to make any difference to drug using behaviours amongst this group, who are deeply opposed to drug prohibition on principle. Social disorder Ketamine use (intoxication) is not associated with any public order problems and, as things stand, is also associated with very little crime, certainly amongst users (although there are inevitably some criminal profits accruing from its diversion from legitimate medical sources). Prohibiting ketamine therefore cannot be justified on public order grounds. In fact it is inevitable that bringing ketamine within the MDA would actively promote crime and create new criminal justice expenditure by instigating a full blown illegal market that currently does not exist, as well as criminalising a significant number of otherwise law abiding citizens. The impact of a criminal record, even for a Class C drug offence, is still significant. It can mean restrictions on certain types of employment, travel (to the US for example), personal finance, and housing. Such criminalisation contributes to social exclusion and can significantly damage future prospects of young people, potentially increasing their likelyhood of involvement certain types of offending. The committee should consider if such punishment is proportionate, fair or effective, especially in light of the complete lack of evidence produced by the Home Office that such severe punishments have been any kind of deterrent to the use of any prohibited drug at any time since 1971. Conclusions and recommendations
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